Islamabad, Pakistan – Pakistan has introduced a new policy to address “violent extremism” through a diverse set of tools, including reforms in the school curriculum, religious engagement, social media outreach, and military strategies. This comes at a time when the country is experiencing a surge in deadly armed attacks.
However, many analysts warn that the plan is overly ambitious, lacks detailed execution strategies, and faces challenges under the leadership of a military that primarily relies on force as its main approach. Some experts argue that the National Prevention of Violent Extremism (NPVE) Policy, as it is called, is essentially “old wine in a new bottle.”
The policy, made public last week, was unveiled amidst rising violence, particularly in the northwestern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the southwestern province of Balochistan.
According to data from the Islamabad-based think tank, the Center for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), 2024 was the deadliest year in nearly a decade for Pakistan. The figures reveal that 2,526 people were killed in attacks last year, including nearly 700 security personnel, over 900 civilians, and approximately 900 armed fighters.
The majority of these attacks were carried out by the Pakistan Taliban, known as the TTP, an armed group ideologically aligned with the Taliban in Afghanistan. The TTP has been waging an armed rebellion against Pakistan since its emergence in 2007.
While Pakistan has introduced similar anti-extremism frameworks in the past, the new 71-page document, prepared by the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA), is distinct, according to Dayyab Gillani, NACTA’s Director of Research and Development.
The key difference, he explains, is that the new policy adopts a “whole-of-society” strategy to prevent violent extremism, emphasizing “non-kinetic” measures—a term referring to non-military approaches in military terminology.
“The so-called war on terror has taught us that military operations alone are not a sustainable strategy. Kinetic successes are only temporary, as they fail to eliminate terrorism at its roots,” Gillani told Al Jazeera in a recent interview. “The causes and drivers of terrorism were never removed, which is why terrorism has resurfaced repeatedly, despite short-term gains.”
What Does the NPVE Policy Say?
Gillani, who joined NACTA two years ago, said work on the NPVE began in 2019 but was delayed by political instability until 2024. The policy was approved by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s cabinet in December.
The policy outlines a “5-R” approach—Revisit, Reach Out, Reduce, Reinforce, and Reintegrate—supported by 700 corporate-style key performance indicators (KPIs) to measure effectiveness in the short, medium, and long term.
The first action, “Revisit,” focuses on curriculum reforms and engaging youth, teachers, and religious leaders. “Reach Out” aims to promote a national narrative through media and counter hardline ideologies on social media.
“We live in the age of social media, which has become a major tool for radicalization,” Gillani said. “This necessitates a revamped communication strategy.”
“Reduce” targets youth and women through peace initiatives and research on women’s roles in armed rebellion. “Reinforce” promotes peace and tolerance through arts, culture, and scientific innovation. The final action, “Reintegrate,” involves de-radicalization, rehabilitation, and reconciliation programs for former fighters and conflict-affected communities.
“A state’s fundamental responsibility towards its citizens is to provide care for them. Non-kinetic measures, which are empathetic in nature and approach, are what the government needs to focus on to counter extremism,” Gillani said.
Military Operations and Old Policies
Pakistan has faced two decades of armed violence and has launched multiple military operations to combat armed groups. After the 9/11 attacks and the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, Pakistan became a refuge for fleeing Taliban and al-Qaeda members.
The TTP’s rise led to several military campaigns to regain control of territory. However, it was the 2014 attack on the Army Public School in Peshawar, which killed over 140 children, that prompted the government to formulate the National Action Plan (NAP)—one of its first formal counter-terrorism frameworks. Similar policies have since been introduced and updated.
Gillani argued that previous policies were “reactive” and heavily focused on kinetic measures, making the NPVE’s preventive and community-based approach unique.
“Community engagement is critical to success. Kinetic measures leave lasting scars on communities that have suffered violence,” he said. “That’s why we emphasize prevention.”
Policy Implementation Challenges
Analysts acknowledge that the NPVE strikes a balance between military and non-military strategies—on paper—but warn that its ambitious scope poses significant implementation challenges.
“Pakistan has a history of well-intentioned policies failing due to poor implementation. The success of this policy depends on whether the state ensures its proper execution,” said Abdul Basit, a research fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore.
Iftikhar Firdous, co-founder of The Khorasan Diary, a platform tracking regional security, echoed similar concerns.
“This policy acknowledges that intellectual capital is as crucial as military action, as ideologies are often more influential than weapons. However, the policy’s implementation framework lacks the rigour required to achieve its objectives,” said Firdous, who is based in Peshawar.
A central challenge is determining who will execute the policy.
Civilian vs Military Control
While NACTA is a civilian institution, Pakistan’s security policies have historically been dominated by its powerful military, which has ruled the country directly for over three decades and continues to wield significant influence over civilian governments.
“At a time when the military’s rapid influence in almost all aspects of society is visible, NACTA is no exception. When a non-militarised framework to deal with violent extremism is carried out by the military, who can guarantee its success?” Basit said.
Firdous agreed that military oversight over the policy raises concerns.
“How can NACTA operate effectively if it is perceived to be encroaching on the jurisdiction of other law enforcement agencies? Can a civilian-led NACTA be accepted in a system dominated by the military? These are crucial questions that need to be answered for consensus building and policy implementation,” he added.
Rohan Gunaratna, a professor of security studies at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, highlighted another flaw in the new policy.
He argued that Pakistan must develop “tailored policy options” to address the specific needs of different societal groups.
“While the NPVE Policy can serve as a comprehensive guideline, it requires region-specific models to address the unique challenges faced by different groups and regions,” Gunaratna told Al Jazeera. “A one-size-fits-all approach won’t work.”
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