When Maydul Hassan was first mugged, he thought he had hit rock bottom. But within a week, the 21-year-old student was attacked and robbed again—this time, in front of the police, who, according to Hassan, stood by and did nothing.
Hassan, who participated in last year’s student-led uprising that helped unseat longtime Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, now questions what the nation he risked his life for has become. “This is what I got in return,” he said. “The nation is drowning in crime, and no one seems to care.”
On February 13, a group of men ambushed him around 10 pm as he was returning home from his part-time job at a tech firm in Mirpur, Dhaka. The attackers took his Pixel 4XL phone, wallet, university ID, and headphones. Days later, on February 18, he was beaten and robbed again. This time, the assailants snatched his newly purchased Google Pixel 7 phone, which he had bought with a $400 loan, and mocked him as he begged for its return.
Hassan recounted that the police were stationed just meters away during the attack. “I cried, I pleaded, but the police did nothing,” he said. When he later tried to file a complaint at the nearby police station, a man claiming to be a member of Jatiotabadi Chhatra Dal, the student wing of the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), intervened. The man assured Hassan he would recover the phone in exchange for not filing the complaint—only to later demand 3,500 taka ($29) as payment.
Hassan, desperate, handed over the money, only to realize he had been duped. He later discovered the man was also a former member of Hasina’s student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL)—a common example of political opportunism where loyalties shift with power.
Hassan eventually filed an online complaint, which he shared with Al Jazeera, but no police action followed. “I live in a country where, even as a victim, I am harassed inside a police station. Criminals walk freely, flaunting their power in front of officers, and the police do nothing. I begged in front of them, and all they did was watch,” Hassan wrote in a viral Facebook post.
Ali Ahmed Masud, the chief of Dhanmondi Police Station, claimed no one was prevented from filing a complaint. “From my understanding, there may have been an agreement that the phone would be returned, which is why he initially chose not to file a General Diary [police complaint],” Masud said. “But later, when he did file one, we are actively working to recover the phone and take action against the muggers.”
However, Masud did not address the allegation that police officers stood by while Hassan was attacked. “It hasn’t come to my knowledge yet. I’ll look into it,” he said.
Safety on Edge
Hassan’s ordeal is not an isolated case. Bangladesh, home to 170 million people, is experiencing its worst crime wave in years. Since the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government, the streets have become increasingly dangerous. In January 2025 alone, police reported 242 cases of mugging and robbery—the highest number in six years.
At least 294 murders were recorded in January 2025, compared to 231 the previous year. Robberies surged from 114 to 171, and abductions more than doubled. Police data also show a sharp rise in muggings, robberies, and abductions in November and December 2024, surpassing figures from the same period over the previous five years.
“The figures are alarming,” said Najmus Sakib, a criminology assistant professor at Dhaka University. “People fought for democracy, but now they are afraid to step outside their homes. That doesn’t give a positive sign about the state of our law enforcement.”
However, retired Lieutenant General Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, in charge of Bangladesh’s Ministry of Home Affairs, dismissed these concerns, claiming the government is addressing the rising crime rate. “You will feel tonight that our law enforcement activities have increased significantly,” Chowdhury told reporters during an emergency news conference on February 24, hours after a wave of muggings in Dhaka sparked panic.
‘Never Seen Such a Bad Situation’
In one incident, jeweler Anwar Hossain was attacked outside his home while carrying gold worth approximately 28.1 million taka ($232,000). Six men on motorcycles tried to snatch his bag. When he resisted, they shot him and fled. Hossain, with gunshot wounds in both legs, is now undergoing treatment at Dhaka Medical College Hospital.
The incident, captured on video, went viral and sparked protests across Dhaka, with demonstrators demanding Chowdhury’s resignation. Between February 1 and February 26, dozens of violent crimes—including murder, rape, robbery, and extortion—were reported nationwide, with gruesome videos and firsthand accounts circulating on social media.
“There was theft and snatching before, but now, it is out of control,” said Rahmat Ullah, a rickshaw driver in his 50s. He added that he had “never seen such a bad situation” in over 17 years of work. His passengers have also been victims of attacks. “I used to save up money over 15 to 20 days and send it home through a bank. Now, I send whatever I earn each day immediately via mobile banking.”
Despite this, the government has been reluctant to acknowledge the crisis. Asif Nazrul, advisor for the Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs Ministry, admitted government shortcomings but insisted the interim administration under Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus is doing its best. “Sometimes, the situation was good, sometimes extremely bad,” Nazrul said. “But we are making relentless efforts to control it.”
For many Bangladeshis, these assurances ring hollow.
Protests have erupted across university campuses, led by student groups, especially after a wave of reported rapes across the country—of which Al Jazeera independently verified at least 10. Protesters demand the immediate resignation of the Home Affairs advisor and urgent action to address the deteriorating law and order situation.
“My parents worry every time I step outside, and this is the reality for all women like me. We just want to hustle through our daily lives without fear of rape or kidnapping,” said Eti Akter, one of the protesters. “Life now feels more unsafe than ever.”
Tanvir Rifat, another protester, said such insecurity was previously associated with the “thugs” of Hasina’s Awami League’s student wing, the Chhatra League. Now, the Awami League is gone, but crime has only grown. “This is not the Bangladesh we hoped to see after the mass uprising. It feels like everything could be snatched away at any moment,” Rifat said, comparing Dhaka’s streets to Gotham City. “Sadly, we don’t have a Batman.”
Tawohidul Haque, a crime analyst at Dhaka University, noted that a key indicator of improving crime is whether people feel safe at home, outside, and while commuting. “People now do not feel safe anymore,” he said.
Farisa Nusrat, a Dhaka University student, said she avoids staying out late. “My parents don’t allow it anymore. Even if I stay, they keep calling me,” she said. Many private university students are now demanding online classes during Ramadan, citing safety concerns.
Government Struggles
On February 8, the government launched Operation Devil Hunt, a joint military and police crackdown to tackle the crime wave. While over 9,000 arrests have been made, violent crime continues unabated.
Mubashar Hasan, a political analyst, believes the interim government is struggling to maintain order. “Unlike an elected government with a unified chain of command, the current administration consists of figures from different backgrounds with competing priorities,” he said. “While there is no lack of intention to curb crime, their capacity to do so remains limited.”
After Chowdhury’s February 24 news conference, police arrested 248 people allegedly involved in criminal activities within 24 hours. But “arrests mean nothing if we don’t feel safe on the streets,” Hassan said.
As fear spreads, some citizens have taken security into their own hands. In multiple neighborhoods, locals have formed self-defense patrols armed with sticks and batons to fend off muggers. In one shocking case, two suspected muggers were beaten and hung upside down from a Dhaka footbridge on February 25. That same night, another suspected mugger was beaten to death.
“This is what happens when people lose faith in law enforcement—they resort to vigilante justice,” Haque said. In January alone, 16 people were killed in mob violence nationwide, according to the rights group Ain O Salish Kendra.
Root Causes
Experts attribute the surge in crime to the political turmoil following Hasina’s removal. “A sudden power shift creates unrest and a power vacuum—an environment where lawbreakers thrive,” said Sakib. “Criminals saw this instability as an opportunity, which is why crime has peaked.”
Sakib also noted that Bangladesh Police, the primary law enforcement agency, is struggling to regain public trust. “During the deadly protests against Hasina, police were widely accused of human rights violations and were seen as adversaries. This loss of ‘moral authority’ has weakened their ability to function effectively.”
Since Hasina’s August removal, the Yunus government has replaced the heads of all 50 police stations for alleged closeness to Hasina’s party. “New officers aren’t familiar with their assigned areas. They lack informants and haven’t had time to develop a comprehensive crime-fighting strategy,” Sakib said. “This has created a vacuum that criminals are exploiting.”
Another factor is the release on bail of convicted criminals—some once listed as “top terror” figures—after the political transition. “We have reports that many of these individuals have returned to crime, reviving old extortion rackets and gang operations,” a senior Dhaka Metropolitan Police officer said, speaking anonymously. “We plan to appeal for bail cancellations, but the issue is that many of these criminals were bailed through the influence of now-powerful politicians.”
Sakib added, “Mass bail for convicted criminals was done so rapidly, and it sends a negative message. Though this is a judicial matter, the sheer speed at which terror-listed figures were freed is alarming. Public safety should have been carefully assessed before allowing them back onto the streets.”
Weapons looted during political uprisings have also ended up in criminal hands, fueling a rise in armed muggings. Videos of masked gangs wielding weapons have spread fear across social media.
Hasan, the political analyst, believes a democratically elected government would be more effective in restoring law and order. “A political government elected by the people will have much more strength and legitimacy,” he said.
The interim government has yet to announce a concrete timeline for elections. However, Yunus’s press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, told media on February 24 that polls could take place by March 2026 at the latest.
But for many young Bangladeshis, every day without a sense of security feels like a betrayal.
“We took to the streets last year for a safer Bangladesh where the standard of living would be ensured by the state. Now, we are at the mercy of criminals, perhaps patronized by the politicians who will rule the country in the near future,” Rifat said. “What was the point?”
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