The Commonwealth Should Take the Lead in Addressing Reparations for Slavery

As a new Secretary-General takes the helm of the Commonwealth, it has become fashionable in certain circles to dismiss the organization as a relic of a bygone era. To speak of it with any seriousness is to invite ridicule, as if one is standing in a social pillory, exposed to the scorn of modernity.

Yet, counterarguments persist. Nations would not be lining up to join if the Commonwealth were truly an anachronism. Shared bonds of language, legal systems, and educational frameworks make trade between member nations more cost-effective. If an English-speaking democratic association of nations did not exist, it would undoubtedly be created.

However, the Commonwealth today struggles to justify its relevance to broader audiences.

To remain pertinent, the Commonwealth must confront, rather than avoid, the critical issues it is uniquely positioned to address. Forty years ago, the organization grappled with the existential question of its relationship with apartheid South Africa. Today, it must tackle the issue of reparations for the largest forced migration in human history: the transatlantic slave trade.

Last year, at the biennial Commonwealth summit in Samoa, the final communiqué addressed the issue of reparations, stating: “The time has come for a meaningful, truthful, and respectful conversation towards forging a common future based on equity.”

It is no secret that support for the Commonwealth has traditionally—though not exclusively—come from those on the political right. In response to the communiqué, some previously supportive voices in the media called for the United Kingdom’s exit—an echo of the regrettable reaction a generation ago when some advocated for continued relations with Pretoria despite the undeniable evils of apartheid.

It need not be this way. Opening the conversation on reparations would not only renew the organization’s relevance; if approached thoughtfully, it could revitalize the Commonwealth itself, fostering a shared sense of purpose and new collaborative projects to rally around.

Still, for many, the idea of reparations is difficult to grasp. The crime is vast in scale, spans centuries, and is geographically widespread. Who should pay? To whom? Individuals, communities, governments? Yet, no technical obstacles should justify ignoring one of humanity’s greatest atrocities.

The abduction of tens of millions of young Africans—at a time when the continent’s population was around 100 million—inflicted material harm that persists to this day. Meanwhile, Britain and other European nations amassed wealth and power from the trade. This past continues to shape our present.

But it is perhaps the historical dimension that causes many to recoil: why should we pay for the crimes of our ancestors, several generations removed? To ease resistance, we must abandon zero-sum thinking.

Funds and cooperation could be directed into new joint ventures between Britain and other Commonwealth countries, where both sides benefit: investments and programs that create shared, long-term value, designed to outlast political cycles and changing administrations. These could be public, private, or both—but distinct from existing initiatives.

Infrastructure should be a priority, driving economic development, creating jobs, and connecting the continent. One of Africa’s defining challenges is its lack of intra-continental trade—a legacy of colonial-era resource extraction that funneled raw materials to the West rather than fostering regional exchange. A free trade agreement among Africa’s 54 nations is underway to reduce tariffs and unlock economic potential across the continent, but without physical connectivity—roads, railways, ports—the transformative impact will be limited.

Second, debt forgiveness should be on the table. No upfront Western funds are required, only a write-down on government books. Debt is crippling many African nations, exacerbated by a global financial system that favors Western interests and penalizes developing countries. This is no accident: banking, insurance, and capital markets were shaped by the profits and economic structures built during the era of slavery.

Today, many African nations spend more on debt repayments than on education and healthcare combined. Fiscal space is essential not only to fund development but also to build climate resilience in a continent that is least responsible for, yet among the hardest hit by, rising temperatures.

What is certain is that calls to leave the Commonwealth will not silence the conversation on reparations. It was a central theme at the African Union summit in February, and the Caribbean Community has been actively pursuing the issue for over a decade. Instead of retreating, why not lead—just as the Commonwealth did with collective sanctions isolating apartheid South Africa? No other global body, unrestricted by region, is facilitating serious discussions on feasible, practicable reparatory justice between developed and developing nations. Once we move past the noise, a framework for reparations can be crafted that fosters mutual benefit rather than conflict.

Africa holds immense opportunity. Its markets are poised to surge, driven by a demographic boom that will see one in four working-age people worldwide residing on the continent by 2050. It is rich in the critical minerals that will power the energy transition and define the economies of the future. To fully seize this opportunity, the past must be reckoned with and leveraged to create joint value.

The Commonwealth is often dismissed as a talking shop. But on this issue, talking is exactly what is needed.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.